EXPERIENCES OF THE AMAZIGH IN MOROCCO AND ALGERIA
The Amazigh are the indigenous inhabitants of North Africa who have resided in the region for centuries. The word Amazigh, plural Imazighen, originally means ‘a free man’, however, they are also commonly referred to as the ‘Berbers’ (Jay). The Amazigh vehemently oppose to be identified as such, for the term is associated with the Roman word ‘barbarian’ for anyone who did not speak Latin. The regions that the Amazigh mostly reside in, include the Siwa Oasis in the outskirts of eastern Egypt, Canary Islands west of the Atlantic Ocean, and from the Mediterranean to the Sahara in the South. More than 30 million Amazigh reside in North Africa even though the region is predominantly identified as an Arab region (Maddy-Weitzman). Besides, the Amazigh have been the subject of neglect and ostracism for both the Algerian and the Moroccan governments, therefore they face numerous challenges like difficult terrain for farming, lack of electricity, lack of water supply, and the threat of cultural annihilation brought about by the Arabization encouraged by the governments. In the same token, the appearance of Arabization, the effect of which started to be felt during the 70s, represented an immediate danger to the various Kabyles within the field of education and managerial frameworks who did not know how to talk Arabic (Willis Michael.J). Ever since, the Amazigh activists have been fighting against policies of the governmental that are oppressive and simultaneously striving to protect the Amazigh identity from cultural annihilation. Although their struggle is finally bringing in constructive results in recent times, it may take them more time before the activists can actually eradicate the marginalization that have been imposed on them for centuries.
As estimated by the NGOs, almost one-third of the population in Morocco and Algeria combined, speaks at least one of the Amazigh languages (Belmihoub). Berber dialects stayed dominating in the countryside and mountains areas of the district, while Arabic got pervasive in the urban areas (Willis Michael.J, P 204). Tamazight, was widely spoken in North Africa before the 7th century Muslim Conquest that brought Arabic into the region (Harrat, Meftouh and Smaïli). Besides, since the independence of the Maghreb region from France, the Amazigh community has been the subject of marginalization and neglect which led to the emergence of the Arabisation Policy in 1960 (Goodman Jane E). Consequently, Amazigh activists reacted to the act of Arabisation starting 1970s in Algeria. Furthermore, it should be mentioned that there is obvious proof that members of the French organization dynamically assumed responsibility for Algeria through many years of the 19th century and grasped a specific scrutiny regarding the case. Acknowledged of the presence of Arabs and the Arabic language prior to their emergence in 1830, the French’s military organizations, were interested to come up against neighbourhoods in which people talked another language, eminently the Kabyle clans in the mountains toward East of Algiers whom they confronted in their victory (Willis Michael.J).
Additionally, the aggressive effort of the FLN regime at Arabisation, banned the use of Tamazight along with the Amazigh activities (Averett). It can be argued that the retaliation of the Amazigh activists was in response to the repression that sought to erase their culture and heritage. However, after a long struggle, Tamazight was finally recognized as the official language of Morocco and Algeria in 2011 and 2016 respectively (Britannica, Tamazight language). Both countries have also begun teaching Tamazight in their public schools. Initiatives such as these may have somewhat eased the tensions between the Amazigh and the governments of Morocco and Algeria, however, the Amazigh struggle is not simply limited to their language.
Although in 2007 the Algerian government voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the government does not recognize the indigenous status of the Amazigh. It is one of the reasons that explains the absence of any official demographic data on the number of Amazigh that reside in Algeria. The Amazigh in Algeria have been marginalised to reside in mountainous regions of Kabyle, Tuareg in the Sahara, Aures, M’zab, and Chenoua. Even though a number of people from the Amazigh community reside in the cities of Algeria, like Oran, Algiers and Blida, most of them have succumbed to gradual acculturation process of Arabisation over the decades.
The struggle for cultural acceptance that began in the 1970s, eventually led to the Tafsut Imazighen, or the Amazigh Spring (Jay). The Algerian authorities in 1980, had prevented the novelist Mouloud Mammeri from discussing the language and heritage of the Amazigh. Consequently, violent protests had erupted leaving people injured as the security forces resorted to attack the protestors and arrest the dissenting activists. This event served as a pivotal point to the creation of civil societies like the Berber Cultural Movement (BCM), or the Rally for Culture and Democracy (RCB). Both organizations sought recognition for the linguistic and cultural identity of Amazigh community, and also fought for their legal and human rights. This event was crucial in the history of the Amazigh activism that eventually led to the recognition of Tamazight by the Algerian authorities as an official language of Algeria in 2011 even though it was no easy task to achieve the official recognition of the language.
The Amazigh population in Algeria is frequently persecuted by the Algerian authorities. A student in 2001 was killed in police custody of Algeria that led to huge riots and interventions of the police, leaving more that 120 people dead. The Amazigh community in Algeria are constantly harassed and tortured by the state. Around 140 people from both Mozarabic and Amazigh communities were arbitrarily arrested and were sent to jail without being granted a trial (Refugees).
Traditional Amazigh activities in Kabylia such as the Amazigh Spring, Yennayer, or the Amazigh Year which are brought forth by non-governmental organizations, have been interrupted and forbidden countless times by the police. The Algerian government has also time and again arrested and interrogated several activists from the Amazigh World Congress. While in police custody, the activists were also intimated with threats of imprisonment and brutality against their families that were aimed at stopping their activism (Human Rights Watch).
However, in recent years, the Algerian government has somewhat warmed up to the Amazigh community. The Amazigh New Year was declared a public holiday in 2018 by the Algerian authorities. Official communication is also being conducted in both Tamazight and Arabic for the time first time since 2018.
The Amazigh activism made its way into Morocco in the year 1994, when demonstrators were arrested by the police for marching with banners that were written in Amazigh language (Chtatou). Moroccan media closely observed the trials of the arrested activists and consequently the event sparked a colossal outrage across Morocco, which rallied in more support for the Amazigh movement. In the wake of the particular event, King Hassan II in his public speech openly responded to the Amazigh causes in a supportive light and addressed the requirement of schools teaching Tamazight (Rossi-Doria). The monarch had also admitted to the importance of Amazigh to Morocco’s growth.
Later on, in 2001, the Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe (IRCAM) was formed by Kind Mohammed VI, in order to spread awareness about the Amazigh culture (Schwed). By standardizing the Tamazight language, ICRAM progressed towards incorporating it into the media along with schools. The institution also introduced to Moroccan citizens to the contributions that were made by the Amazigh to North African general culture. Despite its efforts, however, ICRAM has been accused of simplifying the Amazigh identity.
As the cultural activism of the Amazigh soared higher, its presence in politics rose as well. However, numerous Amazigh political parties were shut down in the beginning of the 21st century, since Moroccan Constitution is against political parties based on ethnic identities. But this constraint has also been overcome. One of the most popular parties, Mouvement Populaire (MP), is not based on ethnic identity but is strongly linked with the Amazigh community and its activists (MacDonald). The party has also been fundamental in raising awareness of the Amazigh cultural traditions and gaining support for the Amazigh movement throughout the country.
The socio-cultural, and political institutions that were set up by the very first Tafsut Imazighen gained more momentum with the 2011 Arab Spring and its accompanying events. As the movement gained political influence, a coalition was formed between the Islamist protestors and Amazigh trade unions that was striving for freedom in Morocco. The coalition was widely supported and incidentally resulted in the formation of a novel constitution that finally granted Tamazight the status of an official language in Morocco in 2011. The constitution also decreed that Amazigh identity synonymous with national Moroccan identity.
Despite all the progressive steps Morocco has undertaken for the Amazigh community, there are still unfortunate incidents to which the community is subjected frequently. For instance, after the death of a fishmonger in 2016, Al Hoceima, for which the Moroccan authorities were responsible, massive protests had erupted that eventually began to protest against the economic injustice in underdeveloped areas. The movement also gained the support of the Amazigh diaspora[1] who called for the freedom for the several activists who were arrested by the Moroccan police (ALJAZEERA), although during the period of King Hassan II’s reign, he was being paid and given money for every time a Moroccan Jewish was sent to Israel (Boum and Oren).
The movement of the Amazigh community has thus with its long-standing efforts, gained enough political influence. Since it is now making its mark and calling in international attention, governments of North African have no choice but to respond to their grievances. The Amazigh community of the Maghreb region of North Africa, have managed to procure a considerable level of recognition for themselves, especially in Algeria and Morocco. While in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya, the Amazigh are still yet to achieve recognition for their language and cultural rights, they have nevertheless remained an indomitable force against the annihilation directed against their culture.
[1] Jews community that was banished from their nations.
Work Cited:
ALJAZEERA. “Fishmonger’S Gruesome Death Sparks Protests In Morocco”. 2016, https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/10/31/fishmongers-gruesome-death-sparks-protests-in-morocco. Accessed 13 Mar 2021.
Averett, Austin. “Algeria in Perspective: Changing the Understanding of the Modern Algerian State.” (2015).
Boum, Aomar, and Kosensky Oren. Oren Kosansky And Aomar BOURN — JSTOR. Aug. 2012, www.jstor.org/stable/23280466.
Britannica. “Tamazight Language.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., www.britannica.com/topic/Tamazight-language.
Chtatou, Mohamed. “The Amazigh Cultural Renaissance”. The Washington Institute, 2019, https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/amazigh-cultural-renaissance.
Goodman, Jane E. Berber Culture on the World Stage. Chapters 1–2: The Berber Spring and Refracting Berber Identities
Harrat, Salima, Karima Meftouh, and Kamel Smaïli. “Maghrebi Arabic dialect processing: an overview.” Journal of International Science and General Applications 1 (2018).
Human Rights Watch. “Algeria: One Year On, Activists Languish In Jail”. 2020, https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/02/24/algeria-one-year-activists-languish-jail. Accessed 13 Mar 2021.
Jay, Cleo. “A Berber Spring: the Breakthrough of Amazigh Minorities in the Uprisings’ Aftermath.” Contentious politics in the middle east. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, 2015. 331–347.
Jay, Cleo. “Playing the ‘Berber’: the performance of Amazigh identities in contemporary Morocco.” The Journal of North African Studies 21.1 (2016): 68–80.
MacDonald, Peter. “Political Discourse in the Maghreb: An Analysis of Amazigh Identity in Algeria and Morocco.” Flux: International Relations Review 11.1 (2021).
Maddy-Weitzman, Bruce. “A turning point? The Arab Spring and the Amazigh movement.” Ethnic and racial studies 38.14 (2015): 2499–2515.
Refugees, United. “Refworld | Algeria: Riots Which Began In April 2001, Consequences And Situation Of The Berbers Since The Riots”. Refworld, 2001, https://www.refworld.org/docid/3df4be2b28.html. Accessed 13 Mar 2021.
Rossi-Doria, Daniele. “‘Le Printemps Démocratique’: Amazigh Activism in the February 20 Movement in Southern Morocco.” Contemporary Levant 1.1 (2016): 64–75.
Schwed, Jessica. “The Power Dynamics of Language: An Analysis of the Positionality of Amazigh Language in Morocco.” (2017).
Willis, Michael J. “Politics And Power In The Maghreb: The Berber Question”. My.Aui.Ma, 2021,https://my.aui.ma/ICS/icsfs/mm/michael.j.willis_- _politics_and_power_in_the_maghreb.pdf?target=a0e600c0–7a52–4925-b99a-1bf609b64e0f. Accessed 13 Mar 2021.